Naming Colonialism has many strengths. Likaka unearths the coded messages of African names with admirable clarity, often producing colourful vignettes on colonial society in the process. His comments on the colonial experience are lucid and attest to his deep knowledge of the Congolese societies he studies.
Yet, the book does not fully deliver. This is something of a missed opportunity, as a more disaggregated analysis might have uncovered instances where African labels of European professional or social groups defied colonial categorisations and chronologies.
In part, this negative uniformity reflects a strong emphasis on the rural economy before the Second World War. To what extent the growth of a dual economy and the opening up of limited opportunities for social advancement was reflected in different naming practices is left unexplored.
If the picture presented is bleak, this is mainly so because a focus on concrete interactions and lived experience does much to bring out the Downloaded by [University Free State] at 29 August structural violence of the Belgian colonial regime.
Here, then, lies the main value of the study of African names and naming. On their own, the crude or cryptic messages conveyed through names carry less information than Likaka suggests: their interpretation requires, rather than provides, the kind of deep knowledge of historical and cultural contexts which can be obtained from the archival record and oral testimony.
Nonetheless, names provide invaluable clues to contemporary African perceptions of colonial rule. The sharp, critical messages they represent stubbornly resist incorporation into celebratory neo- colonial narratives predicated upon social peace and African compliance. ISBN The title Defiant Images: Photography and Apartheid South Africa leaves little doubt as to the scope of this book and also implies a selection of work that specifically sought to challenge the politics of the apartheid state.
Existing books on photography and apartheid are mostly the original books published at the time, such as South Africa: The Cordoned Heart1 and Beyond the Barricades: Popular Resistance in South Africa. By including photographers who were active in the decades before the s, he provides a fascinating insight into the earliest uses of photography to resist politics that sought to disenfranchise black South Africans. Newbury begins his narrative in the post-war years before the Nationalist Party came to power.
By providing a comparison of what came before, he provides a comprehensive way of understanding the contribution of photography during apartheid. This co-called disappearance of traditional ways was largely the result of the increasing control over black South Africans and the employment of men on the mines and in urban centres; something that Duggan-Cronin fails to acknowledge. In this way, Downloaded by [University Free State] at 29 August Newbury provides a close reading of the aesthetic characteristics and context of the development of a fledgling documentary tradition in South Africa.
The book continues in a chronological manner by devoting two chapters to a reading of the images produced for Drum magazine. The photography of Drum has in many ways become synonymous with s black urban identity. Newbury offers an interesting insight into the origins of the magazine and also tracks the visual development of the images by referring to the photographs in the context of the printed page.
By going back to the original archived publications and treating the photographs as part of a larger context informed by magazine content, layout and text, he offers a unique way of understanding the transformations that Drum photography underwent. Rather than presenting this as a single aesthetic, he reveals how Drum photography was actually a great deal more haphazard and driven by the individual photographers and their aesthetics, as well as the picture editors who came and went.
While Drum is perhaps best known for its documentation of Sophiatown jazz and the social scene of singers, musicians, beauty queens and sporting heroes, it also provides the first example of social documentary photography in the country.
As Newbury reveals, the political nature of much of these images was often downplayed in the magazine, usually by the accompanying text that was often bizarrely flippant in relation to the images themselves. Of particular interest is the way that Newbury draws on international photographic and political trends that would have impacted on the visual sensibilities of the Drum photographers.
Of particular note was the inclusion of lesser known Cole images, such as his documentation of a mixed race community where black and white South Africans continued to live as neighbours in disregard of the Group Areas Act p. In many ways this chapter is the final piece in the historical puzzle of the development of photography in apartheid South Africa. Alternatively, a separate chapter devoted to Eli Weinberg would have made more sense. The development of Afrapix is well documented from a historical perspective, but does not in my mind capture the idealism and personal sacrifice and dedication of many individuals in this group.
Newbury emphasises the valuable role that Afrapix played in making sure that images of apartheid reached an international audience through the International Defence and Aid Fund IDAF based in London. The relationship between the photographers and the communities where they worked is important to note and is made clear in other accounts. This allegiance is notably absent from other more journalistic images from this period and after Although in his introduction Newbury makes it clear that he does not set out to provide a comprehensive account of photography during apartheid, given the extent of the earlier chapters, a wider selection of photographs by struggle photographers would have contributed to an understanding of the aesthetic of this period, especially if they were mentioned in the text.
In his typically thorough style, Newbury also provides interesting accounts of the role of The Cordoned Heart and Beyond the Barricades, as well as lesser known exhibitions such as The Hidden Camera p. The book concludes with a look at the use of apartheid era photographs in museums, notably the Apartheid Museum and the Hector Pieterson Museum.
This final chapter provides an unusual conclusion to the book that suggests that the continuing use of these images is proof of the enduring value of photographic records. This is the first account I have read on the use of these images for educational and commemorative purposes. This is a thoroughly researched book that would appeal to historians, photographers and anyone with an interest in South African photography. One minor detail that does detract from the enjoyment of the book is that images are often not on the page or opposite page where they are discussed in the text.
More disconcerting is that some images discussed do not appear in the book at all — this is a pity because it is frustrating not to have the image at hand when it is discussed in such detail. This book provides a unique and important overview of the development of photography as a social and political witness to the evolution of South Africa as a country. Tillman and A. Schadeberg, ed. Bell, O. Enwezor, O. Zaya and O. We do not guarantee that these techniques will work for you.
DMCA and Copyright : The book is not hosted on our servers, to remove the file please contact the source url. If you see a Google Drive link instead of source url, means that the file witch you will get after approval is just a summary of original book or the file has been already removed. Published in the book become immediate popular and critical acclaim in history, non fiction books. For almost 30 years David Edgerton has produced a series of well-researched and ground-breaking revisionist accounts of this country's recent past, which have exposed the inadequacies and weaknesses of 'declinism' as an explanation of Britain's changing domestic and international experience since In studies such as England and the Aeroplane and and Warfare State: Britain, he has convincingly shown how and why the nation remained a major power with its own formidable military-industrial complex for much of the last century.
The Rise and Fall of the British Nation takes up these arguments but goes beyond them, reaching out to social and cultural as well as military, political, economic and technological history.
The historiography of the British Empire refers to the studies, sources, critical methods and interpretations used by scholars to develop a history of Britain's empire. During the summer of the cabinet mission met with the Indian Congress and the Muslim League to construct the constitution of independent India, at first acquiescing, but soon the old mutual suspicions proved to deep-rooted, which led to a demand from the Muslim League of an independent Pakistan.
Religious riots followed in Calcutta, in four days 4, were killed and 10, wounded. The news of the riot spread to Bombay were 1, died and over 13, were wounded, and in Bihar Hindus murdered Muslim refugees.
India appeared to be on the verge of a civil war and Wavell drew up plans to evacuate all British civilians and servicemen. Atlee was determined to prevent this political disaster, thus the replacement of governors and Mountbatten was installed. The date on which Britain would hand over the power was brought forward from June to August As the aggressions worsened Britain was forced to recognize the partition of India and Pakistan, which they had tried to prevent almost any cost, not only because a united India could come in hand, but to the fact that Pakistan borders to Afghanistan which also is a neighbour of Soviet's.
Unfortunately the officials who drew the borders did not pay very much attention to the regions within the country and bisected the Punjab, home to a substantial portion of India's Sikhs. By late spring Punjab was wrecked by massacres, counter-massacres, looting and arson. Soon Britain left India and the bloodshed which occurred across northern India after the partition is well known 13 7.
India had provided Britain with much of its military strength east of Suez, as well as acting as a supplier of soldiers to much of Britain's own army.
The empire was both weaker and poorer than before the war as the burden of its defence altered back to Britain. Clement Atlee, Britain's Prime Minister, at the time, and his colleague in the cabinet Ernest Bevin, believed Britain's economic recovery, and the survival of sterling as a great trading currency, needed closer interactions between Britain and its old white dominions, meaning Australia, New Zealand and South Africa.
The empire, Commonwealth and a few other countries composing the sterling area, which during the early post-war years stood for almost half of the world's trade. Britain was in desperate need for dollars and was determined do exploit colonies for coveted goods.
Britain saw Europe as a economic and political impotence and that it was Britain's overseas assets that would help to defend it. British leaders, across the whole range of party opinion, had no doubt that Britain must uphold its status as the third great power, and that it could only do so by upholding its empire and the Commonwealth link.
The Commonwealth had already been recreated in in order to let India proceed as a republic, the old rule that the head of state in a Commonwealth country must be a British monarch had been overturned.
The government recognized the demand to grant an increasing self-government and later independence to a few of their most valuable colonies with the agreement that they stayed in the British domain of financial and strategic influence.
The Suez Crisis in brutally revealed Britain's financial and military weakness and obliterated much of the remaining of Britain's influence in the Middle East. The Suez war itself was a success, Nasser did not expect Israel to join Britain in their attempt to crush the Egyptian uprising, as the Israeli irruption took Nasser by surprise slicing through the Egyptian army, Britain and France 'issued an ultimatum' giving both sides twelve hours to stop fighting, which of course was ignored.
Britain and France began their attacks on October 29th but the next day the United States and other nations, such as Britain's old colony Australia, supported the United Nation's motion for all the belligerents to an immediate ceasefire.
Britain bargained for time and insisted that the only way they could agree to a truce was if the United Nations forces took control of the Canal, in the meantime hurrying forward the deadline for the invasion.
British and French troops landed in November 5th and 6th, disregarding two further calls for truce by the UN. Within hours the forces had taken possession Port Said and a mile-long section of the canal, and on the evening of November 6th Britain and French complied the United Nation.
The consequences of the successful operation were, however crucial for the British empire's existence, causing a huge rumpus throughout not only the nation, but all around the world.
The invasion of Egypt coincided with the final stages of suppression of the Hungarian uprising by the Soviet, Nikita Kruschev used this to his advantage and accused Britain and France for doing the same thing in Egypt. The United States, whose public exposure of Soviet brutality was greatly undermined by the action of their allies.
Soon the world's wrath, which should have been concentrating on Soviet was diverted to Britain and France and a hate Britain campaign was launched all over the world.
Meanwhile, having agreed to an armistice, Britain insisted that the Anglo-French units should remain in Egypt and form a part of the United Nation's army which would take over the control of the canal. This was rejected, especially by the United States whose moral was on discussion, demanding an unconditional evacuation.
What followed was a test of wills, which lead to an exposure of Britain's financial weakness. When the Suez crisis began, foreign dominion holders of the sterling, especially in the Middle East were extremely nervy due to the fear of having their assets frozen like Egypt if they stepped the wrong way.
During August ' million was withdrawn from sterling accounts, when the situation worsened another '85 million was removed and when the invasion began ' million was lost to dollar or gold. Britain could no longer take American support for granted and Britain's own economy was far from accelerating.
Hoping partly to startle its stagnant economy, partly to crush the Franco-German 'alliance', Britain tried to enter the EEC and failed twice. Britain backed out of most of the remaining colonies with carelessly haste to avert being cornered in a costly conflict with local nationalist movements as they did in India. In , the British authorities went public with the scheduled withdrawal from Uganda, Kenya and Tanganyika and all became self-governed between and But the British leader insisted that Britain would remain a world power and assured this with nuclear deterrent and a continuing influence in the ex-colonial world.
But it was not that easy. In the white settler revolted in Southern Rhodesia and Britain's failing attempts to stop it was hugely embarrassing and brought furious condemnation from many of the new states within the Commonwealth.
It got more and more costly to protecting the new federation of Malaysia against Indonesian aggression in South East Asia.
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